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ANALYSIS. If the world spotlight is turned away from the Chiapas
The Risk
of a Bloodbath
Interview with the Italian neo-Communist Senator
Giovanni Russo Spena. by Roberto Rotondo |
Mexican Army vehicles enter a Chiapas village |
"If
the world's spotlight is turned away from the Chiapas there will be a bloodbath".
Giovanni Russo Spena, a Senator of Italy's neo-Communist party, Rifondazione comunista who
has been an attentive observer of Latin American affairs for years, is certain: the
massacre of faithful at prayer by paramilitaries in Acteal is not an isolated incident but
could be the start of a new phase of repression. "The Mexican Government knows it
can't solve the problem of the Chiapas by granting a few subsidies to the indigenous
population to make them vacate their lands. So it might also decide to suppress the
indigenous resistance by means of a mass attack by the Army". When talk about the
Chiapas began in 1994, about Marcos the sub-commandant and about Bishop Samuel Ruiz
Garcia, Russo Spena was one of the first observers to intuit the importance of what was
happening in that region, so little known until then, located between Mexico and
Guatemala. Here, poor farmers were looking for plots of land to cultivate and they had to
contend with the large-scale landowners.
"In
this region, as in other parts of Latin America, the local populations have been fighting
the increasingly intensive and monopolistic exploitation of resources for about the past
20 years. Just think that the Chiapas' four electric power plants produce 55 per cent of
Mexico's total energy even though 30 per cent of this State's housing and up to 90 per
cent of the homes of the indigenous communities do not have electricity. Moreover, 30 per
cent of Mexico's surface water resources are to be found in the Chiapas while just ten per
cent of the Indians have running water at home.
"The
important thing to understand is that in the Chiapas it is not a rearguard action, or the
natural resistance on the part of the farming world to modernization, but a front-line
battle because what is happening in the Chiapas is happening everywhere there are attempts
to apply an economic development model such as the neo-liberal one. Here we have modernity
advancing without generating development, a globalization process which leaves in its wake
a desperate people, like the survivors of a shipwreck adrift. It is significant that the
Zapatist rebellion in the Chiapas exploded on January 1 1994, the day the North American
Free Trade Association treaty, engaging Canada, the US and Mexico, was enacted".
At that
time, Russo Spena went to this Mexican region with a European Parliamentary delegation. He
has since returned several times, also accompanying the Rifondazone comunista leader
Fausto Bertinotti for whom he organized a meeting with Marcos the sub-commandant in
January 1997. He explains: "The social resistance in the Chiapas is born of the
fusion of three components. The first is represented by the indigenous population, the
Maya, who have always tried in their proud way to defend their cultural and linguistic
identity. The second has connections with the person of Marcos the sub-commandant who gave
himself this title precisely to stress that the real "commandant" was the
indigenous community. Even though he goes around with his face hidden in a balaclava hat,
we can intuit some things about him. For example, we can tell from the cultured Spanish he
speaks that he is a Latin and not a Maya ... And, he has formed a movement, the Zapatists,
which is anything but haphazard in that they are people who are able at attracting media
attention and they can use the Internet. Marcos is probably a member of the generation
that took part in the uprisings of 1968 leaving 350 students dead, killed by the police in
Mexico City's Three Cultures Square. After that massacre, many student groups scattered
throughout Latin America. We think that one group reached the Selva Lacandona and that in
these past 30 years it integrated with the Maya population. The third component, which I
find striking as a non-religious man, is the Catholic Church's presence in this zone. When
I was there, I met Bishop Samuel Ruiz Garcia and spent entire days with some of his
catechists at San Cristobal. There is no doubt that the Church has carried out a job of
evangelization in respect of the indigenous identity. One of the many results of this was
to create an awareness by the poorer among them of their rights. We once went to visit a
landowner who, his gun on the table, told us: 'Here the only problem is Ruiz Garcia's
Church because, by fomenting the indigenous population, it is undermining the foundations
of our society'." But Ruiz Garcia's is not the whole Church. Russo Spena replies:
"Of course not, but the connotation is important for the landowners believe to be
good Catholics and that there is a Catholic Church which is on their side. In this sense,
another incident that struck me greatly was a visit to a hospital run by Canadian nuns.
They had received death threats from the paramilitaries who were accusing them of hosting
political refugees. These gangs organized marches with placards saying: 'Death to the nuns
because they are betraying Jesus Christ'. We were able to prevent the worst for the nuns
by holding a press conference publicizing the case".
So far
we have analyzed the elements of social resistance. But what is really at stake in the
Chiapas? "I should say firstly that the Revolutionary Party currently governing
Mexico has become a de facto rightist party over the years. It has introduced
constitutional reforms facilitating the comeback of the landowner and, more generally, the
monopoly by the few of natural resources. In addition, the so-called market
'globalization' has only served to exasperate already intensive exploitation of these
resources. This, then, has forged fractures in society and untipped balances in some
sectors of the population. But then again, the neo-liberal system has inevitably created
numerous Chiapas in the world: from the drama of children making footballs in South East
Asia to the rafts of desperate people floating into Apulia (South Italy) and Europe's own
20 million unemployed. And these are only the cases which have been covered by the press
over the past few months and they are not even the most dramatic examples". And yet
the liberal model seems the only possible economic model. "I don't think the problem
is to come up with an alternative counter-model. I think we must train a strong critical
eye on this development model and keep looking for concrete solutions for a better
distribution of wealth. Furthermore, we must remember the fragility of this model when
applied in developing countries. The crash of the Asian stock exchanges was an example but
if we were to list all the crashes of large national banks in Latin America in recent
years, the impression we would have is not certainly one of neo-liberalism that allows the
world of economics to sleep nights. Talk about globalization! This is a market running
wild in which the principal object is finding the cheapest manpower. We must construct a
development system in which peace and justice go hand in hand as Fr. Ernesto Balducci told
me a few years ago".
On that
question of peace and social justice, Rifondazione comunista has found points in common
with the Catholic Church although it follows a different route. Would it be useful to have
a more stable relationship with the Church? "We are trying dialogue because neither
we nor the Church are interested any longer in those purely ideological confrontations.
The diffidence that the Communist culture inherited from an anti-clerical secularism has
also now been overcome. When we defend particular social classes, such as the working
class, the unemployed and all those who are excluded from the economic process, we find a
point in common with the Church which defends the poor and those who come last. But our
bases are different and I would not want to confuse things".
I would
conclude by going back for a moment to the danger that the clashes in the Chiapas will
heighten. What can be done to prevent that from happening?
"We
Europeans could do something at diplomatic level. Let me explain: the European Parliament
has approved a trade treaty with Mexico. One clause says that the accords are subordinate
to progress in civil and humanitarian rights. These clauses are usually inserted in
international treaties out of formality. Here Europe could apply them, forcing the Mexican
Government to resolve the Chiapas problem with a peace-making conference and not by
violence".